
From Al Jazeera - Of the 22,000 buildings destroyed in the Israeli offensive, 4,000 of them were residential buildings
The vulnerability of the first photo is so startling. I just spent the last five minutes staring at the boy and the person in the background trying to clean up the rubble with their hands and the bunny in the boy’s arms. This is Gaza after the Israeli massacre – absurd, isolated, on the edge of survival, in a constant state of exception.
The New Yorker has an article on Gaza by Lawrence Wright. Lets talk about it. I was surprised to see the New York discuss this as its coverage on Palestine is fairly limited (excluding the peripheral coverage exhibited by amazing Seymour Hersch). Wright is detailed, though I think some of his reporting is inaccurate. He does make a point of listing several crucial examples of the tragedy in the aftermath of the Israeli massacre as well as the ongoing imprisonment of 1.5 million Gazans. Unlike most mainstream writers he discusses the physical isolation and destruction imposed on Palestinians by the Israeli siege.
- Twenty million gallons of raw and partially treated sewage flows from Gaza into the Mediterranean. The water treatment facility is broken the Israeli will not allow the necessary parts into Gaza to fix it.
- Two children burned to death when Israeli forces bombed the Beit Lehia elementary school with white phosphorus. But Israel, which refused to cooperate with Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the UN Goldstone Report, found that they used white phosphorus in accordance with international law. If Israel truly believe this and has nothing to hide, why not cooperate with international investigations?
- In 1994 the Gaza poverty rate was 16%, now it is close to 70% as a direct result of Israeli actions. Only thirty-seven trucks of aid are allowed into Gaza each day, while it is estimated that 106 trucks daily are necessary to sustain life in the Strip. Yet Israeli government officials ha ben said that their aims are, “no prosperity, no development and no humanitarian crisis”. Never mind that lack of prosperity and development results in a humanitarian crisis. For me this is a dire echo of Ariella Azoulay’s brilliant piece Hunger in Palestine: The Event that Never Was from 2003. If Israel names it, it must be so.
- 14% of the buildings in Gaza were partially or completely destroyed, including 21,000 homes, 700 factories and businesses, 16 hospitals, 38 primary health-care centers, and 280 schools. 250 wells were destroyed, 300,000 trees were uprooted and large swaths of agricultural land were made unarable.
- This massive destruction was geared to what Israel calls the “infrastructure of terrorism”. Yet the list above reflects the infrastructure of democracy and food security. To this day, according to the UN’s John Ging, not a single bag of cement or a single pane of glass has been allowed by Israel to enter Gaza. How does a place recover from such brutalization without rebuilding? With institutions of democracy in tatters, Gaza will only be more isolated and more provincial. I know there are Gazans struggling against this, but their voices are consistently sounded out.
What Wright doesn’t state also speaks volumes. In talking about the founding of Hamas in 1987, he never mentions the well documented support for Hamas by the Israeli state. Hamas was viewed as a way to destabilize Palestinian support for the then secular Palestinian Liberation Organization engaged in a well articulated struggle against Israeli occupation.
In a priceless documentation of hypocritical blindness, an Israeli colonel expresses his rage when three home-made rockets from Gaza struck Sderot in the morning. When children are at school and could have been injured. It is true that the carelessness of this rocket fire should be condemned. But this colonel is one of the strategists behind the 27 December attack on Gaza. As F-16s dropped bombs, it was also morning in Gaza. Children were just getting out of school. Many of these children died and were injured by shards of glass flying through the air. Does this colonel also condemn the vulnerability of these children? No. Because one group, based on ethnicity and citizenship, is deemed to be human and another group is not. Anyone reading the description of this colonel cannot escape this monstrous logic, which forms the basis of the attack on Gaza.
The timing as well is monstrous – two days after Christmas and on a Saturday. Saturday, in which devout Israelis are shunned for driving and listening to the radio. But apparently bombing is acceptable.
Israeli soldiers were told
“God protects you, everything you do is sanctified, this is a holy war”.
The expectation and entitlement is evidenced by this T-shirt as well:
In a recent Al Jazeera article an Israeli filmmaker took a very different take on this idea of Israel’s justified holy war.
“There army is not something holy. In war there are no good guys and bad guys. The war is the bad guy”
My largest issue with Wright’s article is less specific. Underlying the piece is the idea that Israeli and Palestinian armed forces are intractable, that each commits atrocities and each shares equal blame. This rhetoric of equalization is incredibly misleading because only one side has all the F-16s, white phosphorous, unmanned drones and free U.S. dollars it so desires. This destroys the equation and makes one side inherently unequal. As long as Israel controls the entire space and geography of Palestine, it will have to take more of the blame.
American advocates of a militant Israel know this and, in direct conflict with many Israeli critical voices, are strategizing to alter the direction of the conversation. In an Israel Project report leaked to Newsweek and written by a Republican operative it is stated:
Never talk about “giving” the Palestinians something. It reminds people that you’re in a stronger position.
Harper’s Magazine printed this memo next to the testimonies of Palestinian children illegally arrested by the Israeli military.
A soldier ordered me to stop and said, “I saw you throwing stones.” I replied, “I wasn’t. Look, my left hand is broken and in a cast.” My uncles intervened to persuade the soldier that I did not throw stones and that my hand was broken. About ten other soldiers then got out of the jeep and approached us. Two of the soldiers grabbed me, and the others tried to chase away my uncles. The soldiers beat my broken hand with their rifles. They placed me in a jeep. As soon as the jeep started, a soldier kicked my broken hand and beat my shoulders with his rifle. A short time later, the soldiers tied my hands and feet and blindfolded me, while still beating me. The beating continued for about an hour.




